Beyond War Plan UK: civil defence in the 1980s
By Steve Fox
In the 1950s and 1960s Britain had a very creditable civil defence structure.
After nuclear attack the country would be governed by regionally-based
commissioners from Regional Seats of Government. Below them, doing
the work, were local authorities and the 300,000-strong Civil Defence
Corps and other voluntary groups. By 1968 this had all been effectively
scrapped and civil defence was put on a ``care and maintenance'' basis.
There was a slight upturn in 1974 when regulations were made requiring
local authorities to make plans. But it is apparent that little happened
in concrete terms at any level between 1968 and 1980.
In 1979 the Conservatives came to power and soon announced a review of
Civil Defence or as the Home Secretary called it ``a review of civil
preparedness for home defence''. The full results of this were never published,
but it would not be hard to guess what was found after more than a decade
when virtually nothing had been done.
In 1980, as a result of the review, some immediate measures were introduced.
One important measure was to shorten the expected warning period from 3-4
weeks to seven days. Another was the idea that there may be a conventional
non-nuclear war which should be planned for.
Before, all plans had been based on the idea that the
war would produce an immediate and all-out nuclear strike. In more specific
terms the United Kingdom Warning and Monitoring Organisation (UKWMO)
was to be modernised, improvements were to be made to the Wartime
Broadcasting Service (WTBS) and the `Green Goddess' fire engines
were overhauled. More importantly, more
money was made available to local authorities for their civil defence
measures and to provide for the Emergency Planning Officers to oversee them.
It also appears that an unannounced decision was made to refurbish the SRHQs
(discussed later).
It was around this time that public interest in civil defence saw an
upsurge. We saw the publication and general (albeit largely uninformed)
condemnation of the Protect and Survive booklet and later the
screening of the film The War Game. However, the `peace movements'
were also more active
and we saw the growth in the Nuclear Free Zones (NFZ) movement amongst
local authorities and the revival of CND.
1982 should have seen the running of Exercise Hard Rock, planned to be
the biggest civil defence exercise since the 1960s and involving all the
county councils and the SRHQs although these would not
have been fully manned. Unfortunately it was a public relations disaster
and about half the councils, mainly NFZ authorities, refused to take part.
As a result in July that year the Home Secretary announced
that he was not satisfied with the state of local authority planning for
civil defence and Hard Rock was postponed. The efforts
of the NFZs probably came as a relief to the Government which no doubt
found it and the local authorities would have had nothing to play the
exercise with.
The 1974 regulations mentioned earlier had required every County Council
and the GLC to
make plans on a variety of subjects such as the control and co-ordination
of action necessary as the result of a hostile attack, instructing the
public, the provision of facilities for the disposal of human remains etc.,
in other words a complete battery of measures to prepare the county
for the aftermath of war. In reality however there had been little interest
in or money for civil defence and few local authorities had meaningful
plans.
Following the abandonment of Hard Rock the government put in hand plans
to sort out the local authorities who would be the people would actually
do something in an emergency as opposed to the Regional Commissioner and
his staff who would just make policy. This resulted in the 1983 local
government civil defence regulations which more or less covered the same
ground as the 1974 ones but with some vital differences. A major difference
was that the 1974 regulations simply required plans to be made but the
1983 one required these plans to be kept up to date.
Additionally, the 1983 act required local authorities to take part in any
training exercise
organised by the Minister. In other words there would be no repetition
of the Hard Rock fiasco. They were also required to establish
``emergency centres'' although in line with the softly-softly approach
these were not to be called war rooms, bunkers or controls but the much
more acceptable ``centres''.
The 1983 regulations appeared to be much more forceful and no doubt the
Government expected things to happen as a result. But it appears that
very little did happen. Some councils remained ideologically opposed and
did nothing. Others said they had no money or asked for more information.
Even so, it must be realised that all they were required to do was to
produce plans on a given range of subjects. There was no requirement for
any actual preparations beyond the emergency centres and some staff training.
One idea of the new civil defence measures was that civil defence was to
be opened up to public scrutiny and no longer be secret. Hence the publication
in 1980 of the Protect and Survive booklet. But perhaps the most
interesting publication was the Emergency Planning Guidelines for Local
Authorities which was issued in 1985. The content of this large book can
be seen from its original title of the Consolidated Circular. It brought
together, usually in a modified and toned-down form, all the various
Emergency Services Circulars issued by the Home Office covering areas such
as the role of the local authority, warning and monitoring, the role of
the police, water services etc. More importantly it published the plans
for regional government after a nuclear strike.
I mentioned earlier that after a nuclear war the country would have divided
into regions, each headed by a Regional Commissioner with full powers
to govern internally. He would control the region through his own staff
and the former local authority structures suitably modified for war. As
an interim stage by the 1970s we had Sub-Regional Commissioners who would
oversee the survival phase after the attack in their part of the region.
This phase would last for a few weeks or months after which control
would be handed over to the Regional Commissioner who would continue to
put the region back on its feet and prepare for the re-establishment of
national government. The Sub-Regional Commissioners had their own hardened
SRHQs.
It always seemed nonsense to expect a sub-regional administration do the
work and then hand over to some one else. Why not let the Regional
Commissioner do it from the start? This is what was introduced in 1984.
From then each region would be divided into zones with the Commissioner
in a headquarters in one zone and a deputy in another HQ. Each would have a
staff of about 120. The headquarters themselves were the same buildings
as the SRHQs and became known as Regional Government Headquarters or RGHQs.
During the early 1980s the SRHQs or RGHQs themselves were substantially
improved. Some were finally built, such as the former cold store at Hexham
and the Rotor bunker at Hack Green. Others, such as the Rotor
bunkers at Skendelby and Bolt Head were radically modernised. There were even
some completely new ones. The old anti-aircraft control room at Ullenwood
near Cheltenham was abandoned in favour of a new bunker at Chilmark in
Wiltshire. The Dover tunnels were abandoned in 1985 and a couple of years
later the new RGHQ at Crowborough was opened to replace it. Senior staff
were designated for the RGHQs and the Civil Defence College at Easingwold
ran a course for them.
Also during the mid-1980s the UKWMO was revamped. New communications kit
was installed in the RGHQs and then county emergency centres and on down
to district level. The last new message switches (which replaced the obsolete
teleprinters) were installed in the early 1990s - just in time to be
removed when the whole system was closed down.
Other things were happening at the central government level. There was
a lot of research on the effects of blast and radiation, shelter surveys
were started and plans were issued for private shelters. New information for
farmers and on emergency feeding were introduced. The siren system was
modernised.
There was an extensive questionnaire on local authority preparedness in
1985/86. I have not seen the results but can guess the basic message because
in 1986 the Home Office introduced the Planned Programme of Implementation
or PPI. This required county councils to submit an annual plan to
the Home Office saying what they had done in the previous 18 months and
what they intended to do in the following 18. They were also required
to submit copies of the plans they were making under the 1983 regulations
over a three-year time period. This was followed by general guidelines on
what constitutes a plan and how to draw it up. The Home Office however,
would not (and under the Regulations could not) dictate the content of the
plans of the individual county councils. By 1989 therefore councils should
have completed the plans they were told to make in 1983. Unless they
did this they risked losing their civil defence grant. The timing is
perhaps indicative of the urgency with which civil defence was taken at all
levels.
In the mid-1980s the government was in a public relations battle with the
`peace groups' and was responding with the idea that civil defence planning
could also be used for peacetime emergencies - the so called `all hazards'
approach to what was increasingly being called ``emergency planning''.
This in turn lead to the 1986 Civil Protection in Peacetime Act which
allowed civil defence resources to be used for peacetime emergencies.
I should perhaps pause to mention the Emergency Planning Officers of the
county councils and fire and civil defence authorities, who, together with
volunteer scientific advisers and other volunteers, did all the work in
civil defence. Often they had little assistance and, when the end came, they
were hardly even thanked. The plans they produced were often massive tomes with
long detailed lists of what to do, in what order, where to set up rest
centres, how to measure radioactivity, etc. However, to my mind, having
looked at several there always seems to be something fundamental missing.
There are really detailed lists of what to do, only rarely do they consider
on how to do it or who is going to do it. Despite all the effort
they lack practicality and realism.
Talking of `who was going to do it', there was much emphasis on the
role of volunteers in the 1980s. The government appointed a Community
Advisor, circulars on their roles were
issued, sample training courses were written and so on. These volunteers would
lead the effort at parish and street level, instructing their fellow citizens
what to do, helping to staff rest centres and feeding centres, providing
reports on fallout levels etc. They would have been the bedrock of civil
defence. The counties and RGHQs could make plans but without people
at the grass roots level nothing would have happened. These volunteers
were the equivalent of the ARP people of World War Two or the Civil Defence
Corps wardens. Hundreds of thousands would have been needed. London
FCDA said it would need 50,000 just to run its emergency feeding centres.
But there never seems to have been more than 25,000 volunteers in England
and Wales by the late 1980s. (This is a government figure and would be
based on returns from district councils.) The actual returns from Essex
councils suggest that this is a very ad hoc figure and the majority were
untrained and in any case ``trained'' usually only meant attending a one-off
set of talks on the basic planned civil defence structure. The answer was
to put faith in ``crash training'' not only of council employees with
designated tasks but also of the thousands of citizens who were expected to
offer their services in the period of tension.
In October 1988 the Home Office produced a report on how things were going.
It said things were going along OK. All councils had submitted plans as
required, but the quality varied and ``even the best clearly require
further work'' particularly at district level. In more concrete terms, and
perhaps illustrative of the real state of affairs, the report said that
only half of the required county emergency centres were operational and
only 140 of the 400 required by districts. These were actually lower figures
than had been declared in 1986.
But once again we need to step back. I said earlier that one new idea
in the 1980s was the acceptance that the war might remain non-nuclear
or might have a conventional period. Much of the planning for a total nuclear
strike could be useful to a conventional bombing situation and in many
respects what we actually had may have been of value against relatively small,
localised damage.
During a conventional phase the message would have been `business as usual'.
The government, both central and local, would have continued as before
although with additional tasks. There was however a new creature introduced
at regional level - the Regional Emergency Committee (REC) made up
of civil servants and representatives of the uniformed services. This would
have been a mini regional government, although without any executive
powers. Its planned role was as a communications channel, or mediator
between central government, the government departments, police, military
etc. Its role however always seems to have been a bit of a problem
and whilst apparently a good idea in local government exercises, it was
little used.
On the subject of exercises, I mentioned earlier the collapse of the
planned national level exercise called Hard Rock. For whatever reason
this exercise was never reinstated. Instead the Home Office instituted
a series of regional level exercises from 1986. These were for the councils
in a region to practice their transition to war plans and covered areas
like staffing a rest centre, collecting ration documents, staffing an
emergency centre and so on. They seem to have been generally useful and
a lot was learned of the practicalities. For example Exercise Vireg, held
in 6 South East region, appeared to show that the planners had been working
on the basis that they would use their School Meals Service kitchens as
emergency feeding centres - only to be told that the gas supply would have
shut down along with the water supply at a very early stage,
The net result of all this effort was that by the turn of the decade Britain
had the best prepared civil defence system for a quarter of a century.
However, it was now the age of glasnost and the Cold War came to an end.
In 1990 all work on bunkers and other infrastructure was suspended.
Soon after, in July 1991, the Home Secretary announced that civil defence
plans must reflect the new realities and would now be retained in such
a state that they could be brought to readiness within three months rather
than the previous seven days. At the same time the Royal Observer Corps was
stood down. The following year a further review announced that new
regulations would be introduced to remove all the civil defence functions of
local authorities and the siren warning system would be scrapped. In a
throw away addition the end was announced of central Government civil defence
planning and the scrapping of the RGHQs.
So after 1993 there was nothing left. Local authorities have abandoned
their war plans although they have responsibilities under new 1993 regulations
for civil protection where the latest buzz phrase is ``Integrated
Emergency Management''. The haste to dismantle the system is reminiscent
of what happened to civil defence at the end of the Second World War and
has left many people to question its wisdom.
© S P Fox October 1996
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Last updated 30th December 1996
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